Every socialist government that has been unable or unwilling to silence the opposition has been brutally crushed. It is no surprise that the opposition in these countries is always sponsored by the United States.
This was another very difficult question I had to ask my interview subjects,
especially the leftists from Southeast Asia and Latin America. When we
would get to discussing the old debates between peaceful and armed
revolution; between hardline Marxism and democratic socialism, I would
ask: “Who was right?”
In Guatemala, was it Árbenz or Che who had the right approach? Or in
Indonesia, when Mao warned Aidit that the PKI should arm themselves,
and they did not? In Chile, was it the young revolutionaries in the MIR
who were right in those college debates, or the more disciplined,
moderate Chilean Communist Party?
Most of the people I spoke with who were politically involved back
then believed fervently in a nonviolent approach, in gradual, peaceful,
democratic change. They often had no love for the systems set up by
people like Mao. But they knew that their side had lost the debate,
because so many of their friends were dead. They often admitted, without
hesitation or pleasure, that the hardliners had been right. Aidit’s
unarmed party didn’t survive. Allende’s democratic socialism was not
allowed, regardless of the détente between the Soviets and Washington.
Looking at it this way, the major losers of the twentieth century
were those who believed too sincerely in the existence of a liberal
international order, those who trusted too much in democracy, or too
much in what the United States said it supported, rather than what it
really supported -- what the rich countries said, rather than what they
did.
Every socialist government that has been unable or unwilling to silence the opposition has been brutally crushed. It is no surprise that the opposition in these countries is always sponsored by the United States.
—Vincent Bevins, The Jakarta Method