-
Text here: https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/liu-shaoqi/1939/how-to-be/index.htm – about 27,000 words, so about 100 minutes to read
-
Audio here, British female AI speaker, 2h41m21s: https://yewtu.be/watch?v=aeGlxpDvoqc&listen=1
-
Audio here, American human male speaker: https://yewtu.be/playlist?list=PL0-IkmzWbjoZVLIJX6CLKGC9Vz6Gwv9kI&listen=1
It is nine chapters, so one chapter per day for nine days seems the obvious way to go.
Liu Shaoqi is an admirable figure, Chairman from 1959 to 1968, a pragmatist who came into conflict with the worst tendencies of Mao and the Gang of Four, praised by Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping. I'm getting more and more interested in the pragmatic Chinese Marxists who actually succeeded and built something with a strong eye to pragmatism, not idealism.
Thoughts on chapter eight: find it wryly entertaining that he would depict the unsavory members of the party as in-laws rather than direct family members.
Heavy implications in that last line. I would imagine he’s referring to the utopian idealist types that think communism would be fully automated luxury for them right away and no struggle or work translating the theory to the practical business of running a political economy.
Similar thematic metaphor as the classic “we all eat out of the trash can.”
The long term interest of the proletariat is to rid itself of the shackles of the bourgeoisie, but as long as they must survive in a bourgeois political economy, they need to defer and placate that system. Thus we get contradictions in the proletariat movements (more on that in a bit).
The first two are straightforward enough, but the last category is a bit more nebulous. Is this just those in academia? Professional, as much as there can be, philosophers? Could journalists fall into this category?
Ah yes, labor aristocracy, very contentious within leftist debate and more of that contradiction within the proletariat and proletariat movements. Obviously, all leftists want to see the well-being of laborers improved. Yet it’s also unavoidable that the history of improving their conditions has led to subsets of the working class seeing itself as working class plus, their protections and unions not the result of working class struggle but rather a blessing upon them for being the hard working laborers, as opposed to those lazy, mooching laborers. It is a delicate balance to find improvements that empower the working class without destroying its proper sense of class identity and not falling into producerism mindsets.