The following is a supporting document from China From the 1911 Revolution to Liberation by Jean Chesneaux, Françoise Le Barbier, and Marie-Claire Bergère. The original source was Red Dust: Autobiographies of Chinese Communists as told to Nym Wales by Helen Foster Snow (Nym Wales, pseud.)

The author was born in 1909 and was the son of a peasant who died fighting while part of a Communist band of guerillas. Wang Cheng was a railway employee and was active in the trade-union movement around 1925 to 1927. Founder of the union in the district of Liuyang in Hunan, he returned there in 1929 after the failure of the revolution in the cities.

“As soon as I arrived, I went out into the villages and organized secret Red Peasants’ and Workers’ unions and local branches of the C.P. In the winter of 1929 the C.P. was well organized in the villages near by, and in the north suburb of Liuyang xian city, I organized a very good peasants’ union.

One day a peasant told me that a local landlord in Xiajiasan had four guns in his house. The C.P. branch decided to send him a letter demanding that he surrender these guns to us. It was signed in the name of the Communist Party! We went to his home that very night and took the four guns. He ‘gave’ us five thousand dollars at the same time, but we did not confiscate anything else and did no harm to the landlord himself. At that time the C.P. had the slogan of confiscating the landlords’ property, but we hadn’t begun to realize it then. Our political program for the moment was merely to arm ourselves- the confiscation of land would come later. We had several thousand peasants armed with agricultural implements but only our four guns.

At the time of the old-style Chinese New Year, when debts and taxes had to be paid, the C.P. branch led the peasants to oppose the collection of taxes, always unbearably oppressive. At the same time the tailors and carpenters got only one dollar for ten days’ work. The workers’ union demanded one dollar for five days’ labor, and the peasants and workers united for action. The workers’ union had four or five thousand members and the C.P. had several hundred. That New Year the tuhao¹ and the other landlords dared not collect any taxes and the workers’ wages were increased thirty percent. It was the happiest New Year the people had ever had! The party expanded rapidly, and out of these original economic demands new political consciousness arose.

At that time Peng De-huai² was active in Hunan. His work had been phenomenally successful. By the beginning of 1930 the countryside was full of revolutionary agitation. In all the near-by xian C.P. branches were established and interconnections made. We still had only four guns- but our political influence was enormous. I was secretary of the Communist party of the district.

In the spring of 1930 we organized our own armed Red Vanguards of twenty or thirty partisans in this way: Four thousand peasants and workers attacked the estate of a big landlord in the north suburb of Liuyang city. His name was Po Sheng-chen. This landlord had about two hundred min tuan³ organized, with one hundred twenty guns. We brandished our four guns at the head of the big column when we went to the attack. The landlord imagined that we were well armed, and so didn’t put up much resistance. We defeated the min tuan and captured many of them, together with twenty precious guns. None of the min tuan were killed and only one of our peasants died. I had led the C.P. work of the uprising, and the open leader was Xu Hing, a paper worker.

In the spring all peasants are very poor and hungry because the crops have not been planted, and so they are in desperate need. Part of our reason for attacking Po Sheng-chen’s estate was to get salt and grain to distribute to the people- as well as guns for the partisans- as he had many rich granaries. Everyone jubilantly carried a sackful of food home to his starving children after our foray on this landlord. Our Red Vanguards then increased to fifty or sixty.”

¹ Feudal Landowner

² Born in 1898, he was a Nationalist army officer who went over to the Communists in 1928. Later he became one of the main leaders of the Red Army. He resigned as chief of staff in 1959 following disagreements over the ‘great leap forward.’

³ Private militia of landowners.

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  • WittyProfileName2 [she/her]
    ·
    edit-2
    2 years ago

    [rant] After a week of failing to sleep well during a record breaking heatwave, I passed out at like 11am last night and woke up in the small hours of the morning with this incredibly nerdy epiphany.

    "Chromedomes" Vs "Gen-3s" How Fallout 4's Railroad serves as a metaphor for a frequent problem with cis allyship.

    Ok, for those of you who haven't played Fallout 4, the central conflict revolves around a type of robot called a synth. Synths were originally introduced in Fallout 3 as a plot device in a questline that was essentially just an overly long bladerunner reference. Synths are androids created by scientists from a post apocalyptic faction called The Institute for a variety of purposes ranging from recon to manual labour, Generation 1 and 2 synths comprise of a humanoid robot skeleton often (but not always) covered in an artificial skin concept art for reference, whereas Generation 3 synths are identical to humans with the exception of having a mechanical implant called a synth component located somewhere in their body (probably the brain) as a result gen-3 synths and humans can only be differentiated by dissection.

    Enter The Railroad, one of the three factions fighting against The Institute. The Railroad's entire motivation hinges upon liberating gen-3 synths, arguing (correctly imo) that synths are sentient beings and thus their forced labour is slavery and therefore immoral.

    And there's the problem, isn't it? The Railroad is only interested in liberating the human-passing synths. During the quest you need to complete to join The Railroad, "Tradecraft", Deacon can be asked about it and he says this, "The synths didn't start off as nigh perfect copies of human beings. The Institute had to work up to that level of hubris. Gen 1s and 2s were stepping stones along the way. The Railroad's not fully united on how we feel about them. Everyone wants to liberate the Gen 3s. The human looking synths. Some of the synths in the Railroad, like Glory, think we should help earlier models, too. But Gen 1s are basically the same as, well, a Protectron. So the line gets muddy. Do we defend AI rights? Terminals? Hell, turrets? Any time it gets brought up: fireworks. All the old arguments flare up. The upshot is Glory and some others won't run missions like this." Deacon is human while Glory is a synth, but he feels the need to gatekeep sentience based on a shockingly similar arguement to one of The Institute's former scientists, Virgil, "Oh god, those kooks? I would've expected they'd be too busy trying to liberate vending machines, or setting computer terminals free, or... Sorry. They just have something of a reputation."

    Old-gen synths are, for the record, a bit more complex in terms of intelligence when compared to the average pre-war robots like protectrons, expressing regret after killing an opponent and sadness when their comrades are destroyed, but even if they weren't, Curie is still sentient right? She's a lightly modified Mr Handy, yet her brain maps perfectly onto a gen-3 synth. Or what about Codsworth? He's also a Mr Handy with free will and his own sense of morals. What about Nick and DIMA? They are both gen-2 synths that are accepted to be sentient. This question becomes an even larger mess when you factor in robobrains (robots that use a human brain as a wetware computer), or the X-13 aural stealth suit from Fallout New Vegas (basically sentient clothes).

    Ultimately, the answer the railroad has settled on for this admittedly difficult question is that only human-passing robots are sentient.

    "Right, so what does this have to do with cis people?" You may be asking.

    There is an undercurrent among some cis allies, where passing transpeople are seen as valid and non-passing are either seen as less valid of their gender identities (or in some cases not worthy of their gender identity). Frequently these folks only support the existence of binary transpeople (I have even seen some of these "allies" act like accepting nonbinaries is a slippery slope into all sorts of absurd shit). The general experience as a transwoman online is watching people who are allegedly my allies shouting over me so they can decide who is "valid" and through that who is allowed within the movement.

    IRL I am yet to begin my transition, so here I am stuck on the sidelines waiting for others to decide for me, whether I am human or a machine.

      • WittyProfileName2 [she/her]
        ·
        edit-2
        2 years ago

        TL:Dr

        Humans in Fallout 4 claiming to free the synths, deciding what synths are sentient and from that worth saving, unintentionally parallels with how IRL cis ally groups have a tendency to force their own view of "valid" transness onto the folks they claim to be helping.

        Edit: Especially since the primary criteria The Railroad picks to define sentience is whether they can "pass" as human.