things to different people, but broadly, it can be seen as a regional framework that supports Asean's role as the dominant regional platform to overcome common challenges and engage with external powers.

For citizens of the Asean community, they know its intrinsic value as it has kept the region stable and resilient throughout its more than five decades of existence.

In a fast-changing world, questions are frequently asked about whether the Asean centrality concept should be redefined. Indeed, the concept of Asean centrality was one of the major issues that Asean leaders discussed in the bloc's latest meeting in Hanoi last week.

The discussion on Asean centrality is lively and stimulates questions and even cynicism. At a lunch retreat, Vietnamese scholar Nguyen Hung Son, vice president of the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam, gave a good account of the evolution of Asean centrality. He said back in the 1980s, when the concept of Asean centrality did not exist, the region was depicted as "flying geese", meaning that member states, such as Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, had the potential to develop quickly.

In the following decade, Asean was perceived as a "driver" for regional cooperation. Questions were raised about whether it was just a driver and whether the passengers (member states) were setting the direction. No matter what the answer was, Asean would go on to assume that it was in the driver's seat, which helped to drive regional processes. Complaints were also made about there being too many hands on the wheel. As Mr Son observed, when Asean entered the 21st century, the bloc turned itself into a "central hub"--akin to an airport able to provide navigation and protection services. But when it came to regional issues that required the bloc's reactions or action, Asean was seen as a "talk shop" or the "Nato" (no action, talk only) of Asia.

Today, Asean centrality is recognised for its part in driving high economic growth in the region. But what form will Asean centrality take over the next 20 years?

Asean is currently wrapping up its new Asean Vision 2045, which envisages a bloc that is future-ready, future-proof, nimble, and agile. In the not-too-distant future, it is projected that the Asean region will become the world's third-most populous region and fourth-largest economy, with a fast-growing middle class that will outweigh the ageing population. Moreover, given its diversity and good connectivity, the region will become an innovative society.

Mr Son said he believes that Asean should be bolder in the future. It should become the leading "goose" of growth, a pioneer in green transformation, digital connection and innovative economics. Asean also can be an example of turning contestation and confrontation in the South China Sea into cooperation and connectivity.

In addition, Asean can serve as an example of how to successfully address multiple crises, such as climate change and water and food security in the Mekong region, thus providing solutions to other regions.

On centrality, Mr Son concluded with a proviso that the concept must not make the bloc complacent; Asean, after all, must not shy away from attempting to lead and shape in future.

In retrospect, similar observations were made in 1977 when Asean opened up for dialogue, market access, and assistance with foreign partners. At that time, Asean officials were only concerned about locations and setting agendas. They insisted all meetings be held in an Asean capital and all agendas fixed by the rotational chair and its members. Back then, the Asean centrality concept was merely a procedural affair.

Subsequent economic cooperation and engagement with the dialogue partners increased the bloc's confidence that its agenda should be further discussed and shared with others. From the 1990s onwards, the bloc has increased Asean-led mechanisms that take in dialogue partners on cooperation on matters related to political/security, economic, social/cultural, and development. At the 9th East Asia Summit in Nay Pyi Taw in 2014, its key agendas were initiated by the US, especially on global health issues and epidemic disease (Ebola).

Because Asean aims to be the main driving force in the region and prevent any hegemony from outside, active engagement from dialogue partners such as the Asean Regional Forum, the East Asia Summit, and the Asean Defence Ministerial Meeting is a must. Luckily, Asean is not a military grouping; it only promotes peace-making and peace-keeping. It has never weaponised conflicts, near or far. Today, Asean centrality has already gained traction as the great powers, particularly the US, China and EU, continue to woo Asean.

During the first special Asean-US summit in California in February 2016, the Obama administration, for the first time, openly supported the Asean centrality and Asean-led mechanism in the evolving regional architecture. Other dialogue partners such as China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand have long accepted Asean centrality as a pivotal tool for forging closer cooperation and partnership between the bloc and dialogue partners.

To make Asean centrality sustainable and relevant, its members' governments and their lawmakers must show goodwill and implement all Asean agreements and policies in a way that only promotes the bloc's centrality.

Meanwhile, younger generations also need to be exposed to Asean affairs in a more holistic way, not fragmented as it is currently. For instance, the region's school children should be able to sing the Asean Way, the bloc's anthem. Activities and programmes promoting the Asean identity and strengthening the sense of belonging should be encouraged.

With its convening and convincing power, Asean centrality 2.0 can go global and create a milestone, especially the efforts to build a better and peaceful world.

Taking advantage of the current situation, with the ongoing desire of the US-China to improve their strained relationship, Asean could provide a neutral venue for them or, for that matter, any conflicting parties to exchange views and mend their relationship because the bloc does not take sides.