Mexican Communist Party. It is a historical political party of Mexico of Marxist-Leninist tendency, which officially existed between 1919 and 1981, being considered the first Latin American communist party emerged from the bosom of a small Mexican socialist group with international support. The Indian nationalist Manabendra Nath Roy organized the new party with the encouragement of the Bolshevik Michael Borodin, who at the time was in Mexico, mainly, apparently, on a trade mission.

The party led a precarious existence during its early years, due in part to a fluctuating leadership that was not always familiar with conditions in Mexico. The first secretary general, José Alien, turned out to be an agent of the U.S. military intelligence service. Roy himself, who had fled the United States upon its entry into World War I, left Mexico in 1920 to attend the Comintern's second congress and never returned. Other foreign militants played important roles at various times in the early years of the party: Japanese Sen Katayama, Swiss Alfred Stirner (Edgar Woog), and various communists from the United States and elsewhere.

The process of De-Stalinization initiated by the party in 1956, which was added to the circumstances of the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, the expansion of new currents of communist thought such as Maoism and Eurocommunism, and the lack of a single international organization (the Third International had disappeared) to unite all the left-wing parties; caused a process of political renovation and ideological repositioning in the party, in order to broaden its base of sympathizers and build an autonomous way, with respect to Soviet socialism, to assume the realities of the institute and of the country itself, acting accordingly. Now its program and statutes included, in addition to the traditional struggle for the emancipation of the working class and peasants; the democratization of popular organizations, society in general and the political regime; the electoral struggle for power and the empowerment of social sectors.

Student members of the Communist Youth formed part of the different committees, including the leadership of the National Strike Council; in addition, brigadistas of the same accompanied the demonstrations in the Zócalo and the March of Silence. The mistrust of the moderate sectors of the movement prevented at all times the involvement of communist sympathizers from radicalizing their demands or actions; however, it was clear that the capacity for political organization and the rhetoric of democratic struggle was mostly inspired by the students of the Communist Youth, better prepared in the design of assemblies, speeches and management structures.

However, the government maintained a vigilant and even harassing attitude towards party members and sympathizers, not only because of doubts as to whether or not there was direct participation, but also to support the public image of blaming the party. Among those killed, detained and disappeared in the October 2 massacre in Tlatelolco were members of the Communist Youth.

After the Tlatelolco Massacre, the climate of repression and harassment against the party increased; this and the political paralysis of the institute derived from the arrest of its leaders, led several party cadres, especially from the Communist Youth, to take the path of both rural and urban guerrilla warfare, which would later lead to the so-called Dirty War waged by Luis Echeverría's regime against the most radical sectors of the left. At the same time, the party went through a process of moderation which, although it meant a growth of sympathizers in large rural and suburban areas, resulted in the abandonment of its most radical positions, which caused the separation of some members.

Nevertheless, it remained linked to those sectors persecuted by the government, although without openly supporting armed actions. Leaders such as Arnoldo Martínez Verdugo, Pablo Gómez, Gerardo Unzueta, Eduardo Montes, Arturo Martínez Nateras and Gilberto Rincón Gallardo, pushed for the survival of the party, the rapprochement to electoral politics; the moderation of its concept of dictatorship of the proletariat to that of popular democratic power; the inclusion in its ideology of ecological and feminist demands, the defense of the political rights of the clergy and homosexuals; and the condemnation of Soviet militarism, at the same level as that of the United States.

Finally, in 1981, in an effort to achieve the unification of all the leftist forces, the PCM decided to merge with the Movimiento de Acción y Unidad Socialista, the Partido del Pueblo Mexicano and the Movimiento de Acción Popular, forming a new political party called Partido Socialista Unificado de México (PSUM), which would later merge with the Partido Mexicano de los Trabajadores, to form the Partido Mexicano Socialista (PMS).

In this same thread of actions of "unity" and ideological dilution of communism, the candidate to the presidential elections of the PMS in 1988, Heberto Castillo, declined in favor of Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano, of the so-called Corriente Democrática, dissident of the PRI, and before the fraud in the Federal Elections of Mexico in 1988, he joined the Frente Democrático Nacional that ended up becoming the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (Party of the Democratic Revolution); Since then, it has used the registration and resources of the extinct Mexican Communist Party.

Nowdays the most known Communist party in Mexico currently is the one founded in 2011 that currently follows an Marxist-Leninist line with a focus in anti-revisionism.

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