Antonio Agostinho Neto, fondly honored by Angolans as the “Father of Modern Angola” served as the first president of independent Angola. Not only was he a remarkable politician, but Neto was also a noted physician and famous poet.
Antonio Agostinho Neto was born on September 17, 1922, at Icolo e Bengo, Angola (then a Portuguese colony) to Agostinho Neto a Methodist minister, and his wife, Maria da Silva was a school teacher. Neto (who used his middle name, Agostinho), attended the prestigious Liceu Salvador Correia secondary school in Luanda, the capital of Angola. In 1947 Neto was awarded a scholarship by the Methodist Church of the United States to study medicine at the University of Lisbon in Portugal. Neto became active in several cultural organizations comprised of students from Portuguese African colonies that advocated the “rediscovering” of African culture and history. He published his first book of poems in 1948. While in Lisbon he also became active in politics, joining clandestine organizations that opposed the Portuguese dictator, Antonio Salazar. He was viewed as subversive by the government, arrested and imprisoned for several years, Amnesty International named dubbed him “Prisoner of the Year.” In 1957 he was released from prison and allowed to continue his studies; graduating from medical school in 1958.
He returned to Angola and opened a medical clinic in Icolo d Bengo. He was a popular doctor and, also, continued his anti-colonial activities. In June 1960, he was arrested at his clinic as a result of his political activities. Local people gathered to protest Neto’s arrest. The authorities reacted with armed force – 30 protesters were killed and over 200 injured. This incident is known as the “Massacre of Icolo e Bengo.” Neto was arrested and exiled to the Portuguese colony of Cape Verde off the West African coast. He spent two years in detention before escaping to Morocco in 1962. There he became involved with other Angolan nationalists preparing to fight against Portuguese colonialism in Africa. At the end of 1962, Neto was elected President of the Popular Movement of the Liberation of Angola. He returned to Angola to lead the MPLA in the fight for Angolan independence. In Angola, three different nationalist groups emerged who fought against the Portuguese and each other. Angola was riven with fighting, destruction, and political rivalries for several years.
In 1974 the Portuguese military overthrew the dictatorship in Lisbon. The new Portuguese government opened negotiations with the African nationalists.
On November 11, 1975, Angola became independent. The MPLA controlled the center portion of the country and Luanda, the capital. Two other rebel groups controlled the northern and eastern portions of the country. Neto was proclaimed President of Angola by the MPLA. However, civil war raged for years until peace was concluded on April 4, 2002.
In 1977 the MPLA declared Angola to be a one-party state. The MPLA considered itself a Marxist-Leninist Party; pursuing socialist policies. Angola had close relations with the Soviet Union and Cuba (which sent troops to help the MPLA). Although Marxist, the MPLA had good relations with western oil companies’ revenue from which financed the national budget.
Throughout his lifetime Neto found time to write. He published several books and was honored with literary awards for his poetry and novels.
Neto was married to Maria Eugenia da Silva. They had two children: Mario Jorge Neto and Irene Alexandra. He also had a daughter, Michaela Marinova from another relationship.
Agostino Neto died on September 10, 1979, in Moscow while undergoing treatment for pancreatic cancer. He was 56 years of age.
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copying a long post i wrote sometime ago:
actually last year i got super into this question and through researching ive found 2 satisfactory explanations (ironic i know).
So first off "petty bourgeois" is not a definite class within a class society and is destined to be liquidated leaving what's actually important about the "petty bourgeois" designation the consideration of petty bourgeois with proletarian class-interests or petty bourgeois with bourgeois-class interests (same goes for bourgeois specifically the lower bourgeois being crushed under monopoly capitalism). Somewhere between the clean lines and strict definition of prole (absolutely no access to capital and must sell their labor power to capital owners in order to afford enough money to live) and bourgeois (class of capital owners who purchase means of production and labor power in order to produce commodities which they own and sell), the grey area gets a little muddy but i think a clear elucidation of this grey area is really handy.
What theories map to me as correct are american analytical marxist Erik Olin Wright's theory of contradictory class locations, and french marxist-leninist structuralist Althusser's socio-technical division of labor.
Erik Olin Wright is a typical marxist intellectual but his book " Class, Crisis and the State " has a useful element in its examination of prevailing theories of petty bourgeois analysis and their shortcomings. Erik Olin Wright builds on greek structural marxist Nicos Poulantzas concept that there is a separation between economic possession and legal ownership (diagram on p.60) and Poulantzas states that landing anywhere on the chart of having legal and economic ownership and possession of capital AND being in a position of political or ideological domination put you in the bourgeoisie (this mechanical view of the grey area puts semi autonomous wage earners and supervisors in the bourgeoisie).
Wright instead opens the possibility for categories of contradictory class locations within class relations, and it's most helpful to look at the table on p. 76 to understand what this means. Simply put there are 3 axes of ownership/non-ownership: Capitalists control the accumulation process, how the physical means of production are used, and control the authority structure within the labor process and the workers are excluded from the investment process, control over the physical means of production, and control over authority relations. In between the classic definitions of proletarian, petty bourgeois, and bourgeois there are contradictory class locations:
In essence if you do not sell your labour AT ALL you are a traditional capitalist, and with top corporate executives (who just lack legal status of the owner of property and sell minimal labor) these two categories comprise the Bourgeoisie.
Small employers (meaning about <10 workers) lie in the contradictory location between the petty bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie, as the traditional petty bourgeois lacks the distinctive feature of capitalist production which is the appropriation of surplus-value through the exploitation of workers in the labor process. Small employers typically work the production themselves/with their family (meaning no exploitation largely). As small employers increase the number of their employees, their class position changes until they are firmly making the majority of their value from surplus value extraction which would place them firmly in the small capitalist category. On the other hand the contradictory location between petty bourgeois and proletarian lies in somebody who is a proletarian and not "self employed" but maintains most control over their physical means of production, how they work and some control over what they produce. Think about a high level researcher or subcontractor.
the contradictory class location between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie lies in top managers, middle managers, technocrats, and foremen, all who have no (or almost none in the case of top managers) legal ownership of employees or property, but conduct the processes of control over the physical means of production, the labour power of others, and - in higher managerial positions - control over investments / resources. The variable amount of control these people - who mostly all sell their labor power - have produces their position in this contradictory class location. technically not petty bourgeois as they have no legal ownership of capital, they still exist in this grey area between prole and bourgeois.
Really just take a look at the chart and it makes a lot of sense. That chapter is worth a read for an explanation of how these categories have been derived (through some pretty interesting survey data) if you're interested too.
On to Althusser! The theory of the sociotechnical division of labor is much much more intuitive and simple. It basically states this: the idea of a 'purely technical' division of labor (doctors and lawyers w/out a private practice are just fancy proles theory) ignores the "irreducible dominance of the social division of labor" and monopoly on certain jobs and the monopoly on knowledge of how to do certain jobs while penning other personnel to work in subaltern jobs. In other words every 'technical division of labor' is a 'social' division of labor.
We can categorize all of an enterprise's employees into three groups:
while these categories may not be as specifically clear to our current forms of labor, the theory is undeniably still true. Workers are typically workers within their class for life and simultaneously an engineer or high level manager never 'falls to the level' of a worker unless some type of tragic economic crisis occurs. "A pitiless line of class demarcation unmistakably separates two categories of human beings: the 'technical' division of labour is simply a mask hiding the fact that some people are permanently 'penned' in the situation of the working class while others can have either high-level posts that are immediately attributed to them, or fairly (or very) broadly open-ended 'careers'".
this sociotechnical division of labor is more commonly what people are referring to when pointing out the obvious fact that there is a (typically) lifelong difference between people of different worker categories whether that's measured in education or income or position etc. I personally feel that the sociotechnical division of labor is incredibly apparent when you are somebody taking part in the labor process and helps to simply explain the feeling of incorrectness when somebody attempts to put all "people who work" into the same category of proletarian, despite varying access to different divisions of labor.
i wrote this for a really long time so i might have meandered a bit but i hope that this was helpful in clearing up some confusion you may have.